Saturday, April 27, 2024

Examining the reasons why the Biden administration might choose not to significantly assist Prime Minister Ariel Henry in returning to Haiti.

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By Dessalines Ferdinand

Traditionally, the U.S. government prioritizes diplomacy, democracy, and human rights in its approach to international relations. Yet, Haiti’s political instability, economic hardships, and security issues pose a nuanced challenge. Prime Minister Ariel Henry’s embarrassing situation highlights these complexities, as supporting his return to Haiti transcends simple diplomatic efforts.

After signing last week an agreement in Kenya for a Kenyan-led mission to restore security in Haiti, Prime Minister Henry arrived Tuesday in Puerto Rico, unexpectedly. His initial plan was to return to Haiti via the US and the Dominican Republic. However, his journey was rerouted to Puerto Rico following the Dominican Republic’s decision to deny his layover request—citing twice the impossibility of accommodating an ‘indefinite layover.’

At the time of writing this article, Haiti’s prime minister was still believed stranded in Puerto Rico, unable to get back to Haiti, amid threats of ‘civil war’ from gangs should he attempt to return and not resign.

The U.S. has a long and intricate history with Haiti, dating back to the early 20th century. This history includes military occupation, support for and against various leaders, and involvement in humanitarian crises. Understanding this background is crucial for comprehending current U.S. hesitations or policies in Henry’s case.

The United States occupied Haiti from 1915 to 1934, and since then, persistent political and societal upheaval has served as the impetus for armed interventions. These interventions of course have tended not to help Haiti, not to protect democracy, but instead meddling in Caribbean country’s affairs, in a way to protect U.S. interests.

The United Nations Stabilization Mission troops in Haiti, also known by its French initials MINUSTAH, were brought in and were stationed in Haiti from 2004 to 2017. It was a “failure by any standard,” according to Brian Concannon, the Executive Director of the Institute for Justice & Democracy in Haiti, “except for keeping democracy out of Haiti.

Haiti’s current political climate is turbulent, with widespread violence, political corruption, and a lack of effective governance. Prime Minister Ariel Henry’s leadership is contentious, with debates about its legitimacy and effectiveness in addressing Haiti’s crises. Haitian protesters continue to demand his resignation. However, the 74-year-old physician, unelected and increasingly isolated, has declined so far to step down.

The Biden administration’s foreign policy, while aiming to promote democracy and stability, faces a dilemma in Haiti. Direct involvement, such as officially aiding Henry’s return, could be perceived as overreaching. The principles of sovereignty and non-intervention are pivotal in international relations, requiring the US to balance its support for democracy and human rights with respect for Haiti’s sovereignty.

The decision to assist Prime Minister Henry involves considering historical ties, Haiti’s current political landscape, US foreign policy main goals, and the broader dynamics of international relations. It necessitates a careful evaluation of how such assistance might influence US-Haiti relations, Haiti’s internal politics, and regional stability.

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